N.B. I began this post about a month ago, but I never really could find a way to finish it. Rather than allow it to linger, I’ve decided to publish it.
In Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?, Martin Luther King Jr. writes:
Unfortunately, when hope diminishes, the hate is often turned most bitterly toward those who originally built up the hope. In all the speaking that I have done in the United States before varied audiences, including some hostile whites, the only time that I have been booed was one night in a Chicago mass meeting by some young members of the Black Power movement. I went home that night with an ugly feeling. Selfishly I thought of my sufferings and sacrifices over the last twelve years. Why would they boo one so close to them? But as I lay awake thinking, I finally came to myself, and I could not for the life of me have less than patience and understanding for those young people.
For twelve years I, and others like me, had held out radiant promises of progress. I had preached to them about my dream. I had lectured to them about the not too distant day when they would have freedom, “all, here and now.” I had urged them to have faith in America and in white society. Their hopes had soared. They were now booing because they felt that we were unable to deliver on our promises. They were booing because we had urged them to have faith in people who had too often proved to be unfaithful. They were now hostile because they were watching the dream that they had so readily accepted turn into a frustrating nightmare.
At the start of December 2010, I wrote about my disillusionment with Obama and the Democratic party, but also the unraveling of the demos in democracy itself. Having had some time to ruminate, I find myself in a different place: Not how did Obama disappoint us, but how did we disappoint ourselves?
These thoughts are little more than a collection of ideas for my own consideration and I do not have answers, nor do I believe that there is a answer, but instead, a collection of them as unique as the people who ask them.
Did we imbue Obama with the pent up hopes and dreams of the liberals? After eight years of Dubya, eight years of Republicanism-light and the “third way”, and 12 years of Reagan-Bush, the true liberals of the United States had taken a beating at the poles, and so when along came someone who seemed so very different than everything before him, did we just assume that he held beliefs that found no support in his own words?
Because he was black, did we see him as “like us”, rather than seeing him for the moderate and conciliatory Senator that he was? One can not ignore the idea of “liberal white guilt” that permeates and flows through much conversation. Did we make what amounts to a racist decision — though more positive than most — to lump Obama in with our perceived notions of African-Americans? Just because someone votes for the same party as you doesn’t mean they believe as you do. This is the most difficult question to consider. I was raised to be as “color blind” as is feasible, and to judge people on their merits, not their physical attributes, and yet we all harbor generalizations, resentments, assumptions and concerns that we know we are wrong to feel, and so we pretend we don’t.
Was it sexism against Hillary Clinton? Was it Clinton-fatigue? The sexism is hard to know, and for myself I can only say “no”, as I grew up with a brilliant and strong mother, and knew that any woman could lead as well, or better, than a man. I did, however, hold tight my concerns that Hillary would bring back the animosity of the Clinton era, and that the insane hatred of her by the right would rekindle all the strife I hoped to leave behind. I was naïve.
So, even after all that, and all my disappointment, I return to the fact that given the choices in the general election, there was no choice for me. McCain represented more of the same, but with an arguably more incendiary temper, and accompanied by someone who represented one of the most terrifying prospects as a potential successor as I had ever seen. No, there was no choice, only the decision not to just stay home.
And with all of that, I leave with the words of Bobby Kennedy after the death of Martin Luther King, Jr., which ring as true today as they did near 43 years ago:
No wrongs have ever been righted by riots and civil disorders. A sniper is only a coward, not a hero; and an uncontrolled, uncontrollable mob is only the voice of madness, not the voice of the people.
Whenever any American’s life is taken by another American unnecessarily — whether it is done in the name of the law or in the defiance of law, by one man or a gang, in cold blood or in passion, in an attack of violence or in response to violence — whenever we tear at the fabric of life which another man has painfully and clumsily woven for himself and his children, the whole nation is degraded.
“Among free men,” said Abraham Lincoln, “there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet; and those who take such appeal are sure to lose their cause and pay the costs.”
Yet we seemingly tolerate a rising level of violence that ignores our common humanity and our claims to civilization alike. We calmly accept newspaper reports of civilian slaughter in far off lands. We glorify killing on movie and television screens and call it entertainment. We make it easy for men of all shades of sanity to acquire weapons and ammunition they desire.
Too often we honor swagger and bluster and the wielders of force; too often we excuse those who are willing to build their own lives on the shattered dreams of others. Some Americans who preach nonviolence abroad fail to practice it here at home. Some who accuse others of inciting riots have by their own conduct invited them.
Some looks for scapegoats, others look for conspiracies, but this much is clear; violence breeds violence, repression brings retaliation, and only a cleaning of our whole society can remove this sickness from our soul.
For there is another kind of violence, slower but just as deadly, destructive as the shot or the bomb in the night. This is the violence of institutions; indifference and inaction and slow decay. This is the violence that afflicts the poor, that poisons relations between men because their skin has different colors. This is a slow destruction of a child by hunger, and schools without books and homes without heat in the winter.
The most powerful thing the President has is not the economy. It is not the stroke of the veto pen. It is not the bombs that fall in the night. The true power of the President lies upon the bully pulpit.
Tagged: democrats, government, liberalism, obama, politics